Original Research · Arc Shift Ventures
Innovation corridors run the same play on every continent: Nordic→Singapore, Germany→APAC, France→North America, Gulf sovereign programs→everywhere, Australia’s landing pads, Korea and Japan’s inbound centres, India’s bilateral bridges, Chinese municipalities’ launch-pads into ASEAN. We pulled every published corridor and trade-mission outcome we could find, across every region we could reach, back toward its source. The pattern does not change by geography, budget, or income level: independent evaluation is nearly absent, self-reported “success” hides an undefined denominator, and the week works — the conversion happens before the flight out and after the flight home, in the stretch nobody owns. This is not a Nordic-Singapore quirk. It is structural to how governments run these programs, everywhere.
the two-year gain in a small firm’s odds of becoming an exporter from direct partner-search and matchmaking support, against market-intelligence-only support — the cleanest causal comparison we found anywhere between “make an introduction” and “send information.” Introductions win.
Munch & Schaur, American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 2018 (Danish Trade Council data) · Peer-reviewed, firm/year fixed effects · Grade A
internationalisation-assistance programmes — across a 2026 review spanning roughly ten countries, Korea to Canada — has ever had a formal evaluation. That one evaluation measured whether the programme felt well-run, not whether it moved a number. India and China are not in the review at all.
OECD, Incubation in Entrepreneurial Ecosystems, 2026 (our count of the chapter’s contents) · Grade A
the share of supported teams that reach a registered local entity, in two unrelated national inbound programmes on opposite sides of the East China Sea, working from different definitions in different years. Both stop counting at incorporation. Neither publishes what happens after.
A Korean and a Japanese government inbound programme, self-reported figures — our division and synthesis · Grade EST
revenue and export growth, respectively, from a Singapore market-entry grant — measured against similar non-recipients with firm and year fixed effects. The counter-evidence: the money and the door-opening are measurable, and here they show an effect. It is the ceremony that does not.
MTI Singapore economics team, Economic Survey of Singapore, 3Q2021 · Disclosed-method, government-authored · Grade A
The core finding
Every corridor program we found — landing pad, innovation house, inbound accelerator centre, soft-landing bridge, acceleration hub, whatever the local brand — publishes numbers from the delegation week or the cohort’s demo day: meetings brokered, consultation value logged at the booth, MOUs signed at the closing ceremony, prize money disbursed. Almost none publishes what those became twelve months later. Where a same-cohort trail does exist, the in-week metric runs roughly an order of magnitude ahead of the paid outcome — a Nordic matchmaking program’s 60% “further discussions” against ~9% paid collaborations is the cleanest published pair we found, in any region. That multiple is a synthesis across sources, not a single survey line — Grade EST.
This is not a quirk of one region’s diplomatic style. A 2026 OECD review of internationalisation-assistance programmes across roughly ten countries — Korea, Japan, Germany, Canada, the UK, Denmark, the Netherlands, Austria, France among them — found a formal evaluation of exactly one, and that evaluation measured process quality and self-reported perceptions, not impact. India and China are not in the review at all — not audited and found wanting, simply absent from the exercise. Two national inbound programs on opposite sides of the East China Sea, working from different definitions in different years, converge on the same number for the one thing both can count administratively: a legal entity formed, in roughly half of all supported teams. Neither publishes what happens after incorporation.
The studies with disclosed samples agree on where success is actually decided, and they did not coordinate with each other. Spence (n=190, UK trade missions): prior knowledge of the market, contact established with the counterpart before the mission, and regular follow-up visits after it. Denmark’s Trade Council data, tested with firm and year fixed effects: direct partner-search and matchmaking support raised small firms’ odds of becoming exporters by nearly a third more than general market-intelligence support did, two years out. Singapore’s own market-readiness grant, tested the same way against non-recipients: a statistically significant lift in revenue and exports — for firms smaller and less export-ready than average to start with. Every one of these studies finds an effect concentrated on the door-opening and the follow-through. None finds an effect concentrated on the week.
Where it actually breaks
What actually works
Same rule as the pilot research: every intervention that shows up in the evidence is a structure set up outside the delegation week — before selection, or in the months after. None is in-week heroics. Two new threads sharpen this without changing its shape. First, the clearest causal comparison available says direct introductions beat information sessions — funding a workshop is not the same intervention as funding a warm intro, and the evidence can now tell them apart. Second, the corridors with the most legible handover all report the same structural choices: a maintained local partner rather than a one-off MOU, selection matched to the firm’s actual stage, and mentors who hold standing on both sides of the corridor.
The citation audit
Same discipline as the pilot research: we tried to trace each widely-circulated number to a primary source and a definition. These six are quoted as outcomes, across four regions. None survives as one.
“The trade missions generated tens of billions of dollars in new business deals”
Claimed by: a national government’s flagship trade-mission programme
Debunked by econometricsThese are announced-deal values — self-reported by participants at the mission, never audited against realized contracts. When the same missions were tested against actual bilateral trade with country-pair fixed effects, the effect was “small, negative, and mainly insignificant.” The tens-of-billions figure is the archetype of every corridor’s press release: it counts the press conference, not the purchase order.
“92% of graduated startups continued doing business across Southeast Asia”
Claimed for: one national landing-pad programme’s Singapore pad
Definitional & survivorship games, stacked“Continued doing business across” a region is compatible with sending emails from the home office — it is not revenue, entity, or contract. The denominator is graduated startups (drop-outs excluded), the figure appears in a promotional “record success” article, and no methodology, sample size or time window is disclosed. A second, independent search pass confirms no national audit office has ever reviewed this programme — one of the most-cited landing-pad brands in the world, never once the subject of a formal performance audit.
“More than a quarter of projects achieved substantial business and market traction”
Claimed by: a Southeast Asian government’s national innovation-alliance programme
The definition is published — and that makes it worseThis is not an undefined term; it is a defined one, in a footnote on the government’s own factsheet: “signed MOUs or commercial agreements, embarked on joint ventures, established in-market entity, or received investment from market partners.” A signed MOU counts as market traction. Funding raised also counts. And the denominator quietly switches mid-sentence — 600+ startups supported, more than a quarter of projects achieved traction — with the number of projects never disclosed. The 25% figure that circulates is a projects-rate read as a startups-rate, and it cannot be recomputed from the published text.
“226 local corporations established, 425 startup visas issued” — and, elsewhere, “195 corporations, 364 visas”
Claimed by: an East Asian government’s flagship inbound accelerator, in two undated releases
Two incompatible outcome series, live at onceBoth figures are attributed to the same decade-long programme; neither release states its vintage, so both circulate as current. The gap (+31 corporations, +61 visas) is plausible as a single year’s growth — but with no dated primary source for either number, a reader cannot tell whether they are looking at last year’s total or this year’s. And “corporation established” is an administratively verifiable event, not a claim about revenue, a customer, or survival — the closest thing to an honest funnel in this batch of research still stops at incorporation.
“1,800+ companies. $17B+ raised by participants” — also cited as “500+/$12B,” “1,200+/$16.7B,” and, elsewhere, “290 completers, $4.9B raised”
Claimed by: a European national accelerator, across its own site and ecosystem press, over time
The wrong variable, four waysFunding raised by alumni measures the startups’ fundraising, not whether the programme’s market entries converted — a startup can raise $50M at home having sold nothing in its target market. A fourth, independent figure surfaced in a later research pass (290 completers, $4.9bn raised) neither matches nor reconciles any of the programme’s own three published counters. The number that would actually answer the corridor question — what share of participants generate revenue in the target market within 24 months — is published by no major national accelerator we could find, anywhere. The silence is the finding.
“Targets 500 corporate–startup partnerships and over ₹250 crore of corporate investment over three years”
Claimed by: a South Asian state government’s new corporate-convergence programme
A target, already being relayed as a resultThis is a three-year target, announced in 2025, already appearing in headline form across multiple outlets without the word “target” attached. It is recorded here, before the fact, specifically so that when it resurfaces in 2027 phrased as an achievement, the original framing is on record. This is the predictable next entry on this list — and a template for what to watch for in every corridor that publishes a target before it publishes a result.
I sit on the Singapore side of several of these corridors — German, Swedish, Korean, Australian and Indian startups land in my inbox the week after their delegations end, usually with a folder of warm contacts and no owner for what happens next. I mentor at BLOCK71, NUS GRIP and ATUM Ventures, so I also see which landings convert and which quietly stop replying to their corporate contacts by month three.
If you run a delegation, a landing pad or a corridor program — anywhere in the world — or you’re a startup about to land — I’d like to compare notes. Especially if your data contradicts this page; that’s the most useful conversation of all. Nothing to sell in that call.
Method & honesty note
Corridors researched: Northern Europe (Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Norway), Western Europe (Germany, France), the Middle East (UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar), South Asia (India, national and state level), East Asia (Korea, Japan), Southeast Asia (Singapore as receiving hub, intra-ASEAN structures) and Oceania (Australia). Every statistic on this page was traced back toward its primary source and graded: A = peer-reviewed study or disclosed-sample primary research · B = industry-published or self-reported data, sample not independently verified · EST = reasoned estimate, labelled as such. Where a number could not be traced, it is labelled as such or was cut. One source (a CEPR/VoxEU survey column summarising several of the peer-reviewed studies below) is a researcher-authored policy commentary, not itself a peer-reviewed publication — it is graded B and used only as a pointer; the underlying journal studies are cited and graded independently on their own terms. Body text describes source categories rather than naming organisations; the full named citations sit in the appendix below.
A correction, stated plainly. An earlier version of this page claimed Singapore’s “substantial business and market traction” language was never defined. That was wrong. It is defined, in a footnote on the government’s own factsheet, and the definition includes signed MOUs and investment received. We have corrected this throughout the page. The correction makes the underlying point about ceremonial metrics stronger, not weaker, and we would rather print the correction than quietly fix it.
Four limits worth stating plainly. First, most corridor outcome numbers are self-reported by the body that runs the corridor — and this holds across every region researched, not just the original Nordic/German/Korean set. The independent, disclosed-method measurements on this page are not uniformly unflattering, though: alongside the two peer-reviewed academic studies and the Swedish state’s counterfactual evaluations, Singapore’s own market-readiness grant evaluation is a disclosed-method government study with a genuinely favourable result. What is consistent is not the verdict — it is the rarity. Second, the order-of-magnitude gap and the ~50% cross-corridor convergence are syntheses, not measurements (Grade EST); other sources corroborate direction, not magnitude. Third, where an independent evaluation of a named programme genuinely does not exist — which is most of them, in every region — that absence is treated on this page as a finding, not a gap to apologise for. A 2026 OECD chapter written specifically to survey this field found a formal evaluation of one programme in roughly ten; that is the state of the field, not a limitation of this research. Fourth, the author sells into this problem: Arjun operates Singapore-side landing and conversion work for exactly these corridors. The incentive cuts the obvious way; the mitigations are the ones on this page — graded sources, published definitions, a falsifiable core claim, a standing invitation to programs whose data contradicts it, and printed corrections when we get something wrong.
Appendix
Named sources appear here so every number can be checked; the body text deliberately describes categories rather than singling out organisations.
Program self-published running totals, 2017–2025. Disclosed counts but no external audit; “paid collaboration” includes paid pilots, not only production contracts. The 9% is our division of their two published numbers.
Peer-reviewed econometric study, bilateral trade data, Canada 1994+ Team Canada missions. Measures country-level goods trade, not startup deals.
Government self-report. Definition is published (footnote 2 of the source PDF), correcting an earlier version of this page. Denominator switches from “startups” (600+) to “projects” (count never given) mid-statement — the circulating 25% figure cannot be recomputed from the published text. GIA is outbound (SG startups going abroad).
Peer-reviewed, disclosed sample (190 UK mission participants). UK SMEs, 1990s-era missions — extrapolation to startup delegations is an inference, flagged in the limits file.
State evaluation agency, counterfactual design. Report in Swedish; findings taken from the agency’s own published summary.
Official agency event pages, cross-confirmed on three organiser sites.
Ministry/agency self-report relayed through trade press and official releases; two non-reconciling outcome series in simultaneous circulation, undated. “Corporation established” and “visa issued” are administratively verifiable but not revenue, customer, or survival measures.
Government program self-report + promotional press for outcomes. The absence of a national-audit-office review is itself confirmed independently and is the stronger finding.
Vendor self-published marketing counters; internal inconsistency across four non-reconciling figures. The Ramboll evaluation is cited by the OECD (entry 30 below) but the underlying reports were not independently located.
Institution self-published counts; disclosed splits, no external audit. Funding-raised is a context metric, not conversion evidence.
Carried over from the Beyond the Pilot appendix (disclosed sample).
Reasoned estimate across heterogeneous sources, labelled EST wherever it appears. Not a survey line.
Peer-reviewed, Danish Trade Council administrative data, diff-in-diff with propensity matching.
Peer-reviewed, Flanders Investment and Trade administrative data.
Peer-reviewed meta-analysis, disclosed sample of 479 estimates, method disclosed. A meta-finding about the evidence base itself, not about any single programme.
Randomized controlled trial — the cleanest causal design in this file. Different mechanism from a delegation trip (sustained buyer exposure vs a one-week visit); single sector, single country; flagged as an import from a different context, as with Spence and Head & Ries.
Government evaluation-agency self-critique of the evaluation ecosystem across seven countries, not of one programme. The Netherlands/UK finding is a genuine counter-note to this page’s “first contact matters most” framing and is stated as such.
National evaluation body stating, of its own accord, that internationalisation outcomes for this cohort are not well understood.
Input/grant figures only, both cases. The Singapore-house outcome silence is a genuine absence, confirmed by targeted search of the operator’s own site and the funder’s programme pages.
Self-reported “Impact Report,” but notably better-denominated than most programmes in this file — revenue and signed-deal figures are disclosed, not only funding raised. Still no per-cohort breakdown or external audit.
Programme self-report; the operational-use claim is unquantified and unverifiable as published.
Committed/budget and selectivity figures only; zero disclosed outcome metrics found for any of these structures.
“International presence” is undefined and appears only in secondary ecosystem-roundup coverage, not a located primary government report.
The “auditors” claim is a secondary-press paraphrase with no locatable primary audit document; flagged as unverified, not cited as evidence of independent evaluation.
Disclosed-method government study: firm-level administrative data, firm and year fixed effects, controls for other grants received, non-recipient comparison group. Authored by MTI economists evaluating an MTI-family agency’s own grants — disclosed-method, not third-party. Measures grant amount, not programme participation; period 2013–2018 predates the GIA landing-pad programme entirely.
Immigration-status change is the hardest definition available anywhere in this research — a registered, capitalised, office-holding business, though still not revenue or survival. The follow-up-collected-but-unpublished finding is a documented eligibility condition, not an inference.
Funding-raised metric — the same class already audited for a European national accelerator, confirmed as the house style of a second, unrelated public programme.
Only quantity on the page is undefined and the page itself may be stale; testimonials describe leads and introductions, not contracts or market entries. ≈42 beneficiaries/bridge over ~9 years (our division).
The clearest first-person admission of the corridor handover found in this research, stated as a feature in the operator’s own copy. No cohort outcomes ever published.
No survey statistics in this chapter — every figure is a programme-level descriptive count. The “1 of ~10” is our count of the chapter’s contents, stated as such, not an OECD claim.
Peer-reviewed but small-sample and qualitative: supports a mechanism claim (networks and mentoring matter), cannot support any rate claim.
Registry/account and announcement metrics, not corridor outcomes. Intra-ASEAN and China→SEA structures in this research were consistently the best-resourced and least-measured of any region: prize pools, service centres and dedicated hubs, and not one published participant, entity or revenue figure.
A CEPR policy column, not a peer-reviewed journal article. Used only as a pointer to the underlying peer-reviewed studies, which are cited and graded independently above; not treated as independent Grade-A evidence in its own right.